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Is it self plagerism if I take the same argument or main idea from a paper that I wrote last semester and use that same principle/argument/main idea/thesis in another paper for the next semester if it's is completely rewritten with different words and stu related questions

  • 1Is it self plagerism if I take the same argument or main idea from a paper that I wrote last semester and use that same principle/argument/main idea/thesis in another paper for the next semester if it's is completely rewritten with different words and stu

    Is it self plagerism if I take the same argument or main idea from a paper that I wrote last semester and use that same principle/argument/main idea/thesis in another paper for the next semester if it's is completely rewritten with different words and stuff but is trying to get the same idea across to the reader?If it is how do I avoid this? This seems awfully... weird... how can one steal from one self? Would it even matter sense I'm undergraduate student and my papers aren't published and my new professor would have no access to my paper that I wrote last semester. How would I reference myself if I'm not directly quoting myself and let me reader now that I wrote a similar paper (but this one is rewritten and has new sources and so forth sense I have to incorporate new sources). I find it strongly odd that the main concept from one course has reappeared in another and I feel as if I should be able to write a paper that has the same argument/idea of a paper that I already wrote (especially sense my old paper unpublished and considered not complete? and I can rewrite it and what not) and don't see what would be wrong with it.I'm very confused by the idea of self plagerism and was wondering if someone could tell me if my case would be considered self plagerism. I checked on the internet and can't find anything about my particular case were my previous paper is unpublished and therefore not complete? How do I get around self plagerism of this type if this is indeed self plagerism?

  • 2I need to find the thesis and main points of his argument

    I need to find the thesis and main points of his argument. President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address. January 20, 1961. Text is in the public domain. Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom-- symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and threequarters ago. The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world. Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge--and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress- -to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free." And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you- -ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

  • 3I need to find the thesis and main points of his argument

    I need to find the thesis and main points of his argument.President John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address. January 20, 1961.Text is in the public domain.Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, PresidentEisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy,fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as wellas change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the samesolemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and threequartersago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands thepower to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears foughtare still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man comenot from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Letthe word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, thatthe torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born inthis century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit theslow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has alwaysbeen committed, and to which we are committed today at home andaround the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall payany price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend,oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, wepledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do ina host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do--for wedare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, wepledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passedaway merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall notalways expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall alwayshope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and toremember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by ridingthe back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling tobreak the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to helpthem help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because thecommunists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, butbecause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor,it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--toconvert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progress--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains ofpoverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey ofhostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with themto oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And letevery other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain themaster of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our lastbest hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced theinstruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent itfrom becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield ofthe new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, weoffer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the questfor peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by scienceengulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms aresufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they willnever be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfortfrom our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost ofmodern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of thedeadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror thatstays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not asign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us nevernegotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboringthose problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and preciseproposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolutepower to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of itsterrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicatedisease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command ofIsaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free."And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle ofsuspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a newbalance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just andthe weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it befinished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of thisAdministration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let usbegin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the finalsuccess or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, eachgeneration of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to itsnational loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the callto service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, thougharms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-- but acall to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out,"rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the commonenemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, Northand South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for allmankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have beengranted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. Ido not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe thatany of us would exchange places with any other people or any othergeneration. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to thisendeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow fromthat fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, butwhat together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, askof us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which weask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with historythe final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love,asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God'swork must truly be our own.

  • 4What is the main idea and list a least 2 details about the main idea

    What is the main idea and list a least 2 details about the main idea? Edwin Hubble came up with a way to classify galaxies by shape.He labeled elliptical galaxies E.He classified by th size of the galaxy's nucleus and the tightness of it's arms.

  • 5I wouldn't have thought this was a big deal but this paper is worth over half my semester grade so: In the essay there are 2 words im unsure of

    I wouldn't have thought this was a big deal but this paper is worth over half my semester grade so: In the essay there are 2 words im unsure of. They are "Society's problems." The problem I have is how to write "society's"...Do I write it as "Society's" or "Societies". I would have thought the first but then sombody told me the second one so now I don't know. Thank you very much in advance for any help!

  • 6i have to make a poster using the following words:main idea, theme, generalization

    i have to make a poster using the following words:main idea, theme, generalization. i have to give the defintion and give examples. any suggestion how to do it.thanks

  • 7glenda wrote 1 over 7 of her paper on monday, 1 over 14 of her paper on tuesday, and 2 over 28 of her paper on wednesday. she said she wrote more than half of her paper. is she correct?why or why not?

  • 8Please help me interpret this-I'm in 8th grade and I don't have any idea:What is the main idea

    Please help me interpret this-I'm in 8th grade and I don't have any idea:What is the main idea?Read the following quote from Thomas Paine's pamphlet, Common Sense. Summarize the main idea of the passage. "Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher. Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamities is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer! Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expense and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others."

  • 9Please help me interpret this-I'm in 8th grade and I don't have any idea:What is the main idea

    Please help me interpret this-I'm in 8th grade and I don't have any idea:What is the main idea?Read the following quote from Thomas Paine's pamphlet, Common Sense. Summarize the main idea of the passage. "Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher. Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamities is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer! Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expense and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others."

  • 10Which details can be considered primary support for the main primary suppor for the main idea statement

    Which details can be considered primary support for the main primary suppor for the main idea statement. The development of speech in infants follows a definite sequence or pattern of development.a.By the time an infant is six months old, he or she can make 12 different speech sounds.b.Before the age of three months, most infants are unable to produce any recognizable syllablesc.During the first year, the number of vowel sounds a child can produce is greater then he or she can maked.During the second year, the number of consonant sounds a child can produce increasese.Parents often reward the first recognizable word a child produces by smiling or speaking to the childI put B, C, D,

  • 11Which details can be considered primary support for the main primary suppor for the main idea statement

    Which details can be considered primary support for the main primary suppor for the main idea statement.Many dramatic physical changes occur during adolescence between the ages of 13 and 15a.voices changes in boys begin to occur at 13 or 14b.facial proportions may change during adolescence c.The forehead tends to become wider, and the mouth changes.d.Many teenagers do not know how to react to these changese.Primary sex characteristics begin to develop for both boys and girls

  • 12Broad Subject-Phonebook Character Limited Topic for Thesis Statement- Oliver Tolivr Main Idea- Wealthy Buisness Man Three Step Format #2 Appearance-Sloppily dressed #3 Surroundings-State of the art mansion #4 Actions-Penny pinc

    Broad Subject-Phonebook Character Limited Topic for Thesis Statement- Oliver Tolivr Main Idea- Wealthy Buisness Man Three Step Format #2 Appearance-Sloppily dressed #3 Surroundings-State of the art mansion #4 Actions-Penny pinching ways Thesis Statement: The sloppily dressed, wealthy buisnessman, Oliver Toliver had the state of the art mansion,but because of his penny piching ways you would never have known it. What is wrong with penny pinching ways?